Madmen in the White House

The Soviets were master chess players so what happens when the Mad Hatter takes a seat

The Mad Hatter Creative Commons

The Mad Hatter
Creative Commons

at the table? That was a question President Richard M. Nixon asked. By January 1969, finding a face-saving way out of the Vietnam War became a foreign policy priority for Nixon and Kissinger, and they had a plan. The Madman card played by Eisenhower during Korea was legend and Nixon, Eisenhower’s Vice President (1953 – 1961), was familiar with the ploy. Many arrows fill the foreign policy quiver; economic, trade, intelligence, diplomacy, and, of course, military. Foreign policy arrows combine forming customized solutions to particular interests or threats. The Madman game, played in one guise or another from 1969 to 1974, customized a bizarre and risky combination of foreign policy shafts.

The Eisenhower Madman policy appears founded in scuttlebutt, and documentation is hard to come by. Admiral Joy commanded the Naval Forces Far East, including all naval operations in Korean waters during the Korean War (1950-1953). Later the Admiral served

Vice Admiral C. Turner Joy, USN, Commander Naval Forces Far East Photographed 9 June 1951. Note his Nikon 35mm camera. Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the National Archives.

Vice Admiral C. Turner Joy, USN, Commander Naval Forces Far East
Photographed 9 June 1951. Note his Nikon 35mm camera.
Official U.S. Navy Photograph, now in the collections of the National Archives.

as chief negotiator during the truce negotiations at Kaesong until they broke down in 1952. Joy asserted that the Eisenhower administration’s nuclear threats in May 1953, reaped Soviet compromises during negotiations. The January 1956, issue of Life Magazine published a supporting story by James Shepley, “How Dulles Averted War” (pages 70 and 71). Secretary of State Allen Dulles detailed how he carried Eisenhower’s nuclear warning to Beijing in 1953 during a visit with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Shepley reported that “…Dulles told Nehru that the U.S. desired to end the fighting in Korea honorably. He also said that if the war continued, the U.S. would lift the self-imposed restrictions on its actions and hold back no effort or weapon to win…” According to rumor, innuendo, and the tribal drums similar, clarified messages, on nuclear intent found their way to China through several different mechanisms. Continue reading

Nixon: the CIA Loses Access

Nixon’s Watergate extravaganza was, without a doubt, the defining moment of hiswhitehouseconnection presidency.  Journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein took their lives and careers in their hands to break the story.[1]  Watergate was bigger and better than the Bobby Baker[2] exposés that almost undid President Johnson and turned ‘investigative journalist’ into a storied title that reporters lusted after. In the intervening years, hundreds of fine analysts have spent untold hours and millions of words exploring the Watergate break-in and what it signifies.  The Watergate is the hole in the dam that emptied the reservoir.  Nixon built the dam, his relationship with the CIA, layer upon layer, beginning as Eisenhower’s Vice-President.

Culminating a political career that began in the House of Representatives in 1947, Richard Milhous Nixon served as the 37th President of the United States between January 20, 1969 and August 9, 1974.  Although he cut his political

William Safire joined Richard Nixon as a speechwriter for his campaign for president in 1968. (The New York Times/File 1968)

William Safire joined Richard Nixon as a speechwriter for his campaign for president in 1968. (The New York Times/File 1968)

teeth on the Alger Hiss[3] case, Nixon won the presidency on the foreign policy credentials earned during his eight years as Eisenhower’s VP.  William Safire, a Nixon speechwriter, came up with election-winning phrase “end the war and win the peace”,[4] which is exactly what the voters wanted to hear about the Vietnam War.

President Eisenhower’s approach to foreign policy differed significantly from President Truman in two areas; the role of the National Security Council and how Vice President Nixon fit into the foreign policy picture.

Under President Eisenhower, the National Security Council system evolved into the principal arm of the President in formulating and executing policy on military, international, and internal security affairs. Where Truman was uncomfortable with the NSC system and only made regular use of it under the pressure of the Korean war, Eisenhower embraced the NSC concept and created a structured system of integrated policy review. With his military background, Eisenhower had a penchant for careful staff work, and believed that effective planning involved a creative process of discussion and debate among advisers compelled to work toward agreed recommendations.[5] Continue reading

Where Have All The People Gone?

The youth of the mid-1960’s marched, struggled, scrapped, battled, and skirmished until they effected fundamental change to the way government worked. These young upstarts with ideals shined a strong beam of light down the mighty hole that was the CIA, opened the secret files of the FBI, challenged the federal government’s accounts of events, and ended the draft. They were an icon of the Cold War (1947-1991); the anti-Vietnam War protesters who waged their own counter insurgency. And, they made a difference. What Allen Ginsberg began with his poem Howl in 1955, the protesters punctuated in the ‘60s. The dissenters of yesteryear would be livid about the level of personal surveillance; scream at the lies of congress as well as the administration; furious over the diversionary wars and rumors of wars; and challenge the GMO threat to the food supply.

Where are they now? They can’t all be dead. Did they betray their principles? Did they quit? Some, I know, are still committed and fighting, through their words or deeds, but there are precious few of them. These anti-Vietnam War protesters were born of leftist intellectuals on college campuses and peace activists. They in no way resemble the progressive left of today. I cannot imagine an activist from the Vietnam era, for instance, tolerating a law providing a criminal penalty for annoying a police officer[1] let alone tolerating the NSA turning its Cold War spying apparatus inward,[2] countenancing photographing the front and back of every letter sent via the USPS[3], or allowing warrantless searches[4]. In their own way and for their own reasons, the Vietnam war protesters fought and died for the first and fourth amendments of the Constitution’s Bill of Rights.

I was not among the protestors. In fact, I completely disagree with many of the things they did. I hated the way individual soldiers were treated for doing what they were drafted to do or chose to do.   My choices took my life’s path in a different direction. Having starved under the most of the world’s available socio-political-economic systems, I became a committed capitalist. Having a full belly, roof over my head, and the ability to succeed or fail in life within my power and hard work, appealed to me. It still does. I spent the bulk of my professional career as a cold war warrior and enjoyed it unashamedly. Sitting on the other side of the protests, however, taught me to look at the world differently. I learned to appreciate what they achieved and respected them for what they did.

The protests started quietly enough, as a series of ‘teach-ins’ organized by the Students for a Democratic Society in the fall of 1964 after the Gulf of Tonkin (Vịnh Bắc Bộ) incidents. For those who are too young to remember, The Gulf of Tonkin incident was actually two naval actions between North Vietnam and the United States in the Gulf of Tonkin. The first incident, on August 2, 1964, involved a sea battle between the destroyer, U.S.Maddox, and three North Vietnamese Navy torpedo boats. The second incident occurred on August 4, 1964 and was originally reported as another sea battle. Based on these incidents, Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. President Johnson used the Resolution as the basis to ramp up the Vietnam conflict. Finally, in November, 2005, the NSA declassified a 2001 article with a revised ‘corrected’ version of the Gulf of Tonkin incident[5]. The world learned that the allegations of the first of the anti-war protesters were more accurate than the spin provided by the federal government.

Johnson fueled the war in Vietnam and, by 1967, nearly 40,000 young American men were being drafted each month. By then, over 15,000 soldiers had died and about 110,000 had been wounded. At the time of this snap shot over 500,000 troops were in Vietnam. Many of those veterans are my friends. Bear in mind that this is all occurring in a country that had no declared war and no legal provision for a standing military. The federal government’s spin began to backfire. Citizens across the country asked questions and demanded answers. No longer was it just the leftist fringe on college campuses who were protesting.

On October 21, 1967, the Lincoln Memorial hosted over 100,000 protesters. It was one of the largest and most contentious protests of the war. There was a nasty confrontation with U.S. Marshals and members of the military that night when several thousand demonstrators tried to carry their protest to the Pentagon.  Norman Mailer wrote about that night in his book, The Armies of the Nigth[6], which was published in 1968. Martin Luther King Jr. joined the burgeoning anti-war cause in 1967, when he opposed the war on moral grounds. King leveled solid, eloquent complaints about the cost of the war in dollars and lives. In his 1967 speech, A Time to Break the Silence[7], he denounced the reallocation of federal dollars from domestic programs and attacked the disproportionate number of African-Americans who were dying in the war.

By 1968, President Johnson was running for cover. In 2004, I taped about fourteen hours of interviews with Raúl Héctor Castro at his office in Nogales, Arizona. Castro was the U.S. Ambassador to El Salvador in 1964. During the interviews he told me that, in 1968, he had hosted President Johnson for a Central American conference. Johnson, it seems, needed a break from the heat of Vietnam in the U.S. He needed a success and he needed it fast. Castro spoke of paying a large group to people, who looked like the country’s workers, to carry signs welcoming President Johnson and professing their love for him as a photo opportunity. He also talked of the challenges of gathering the heads of state of the other Central American governments for a conference to be led by Johnson. The pressure from the people of the U.S. was having an effect. The substance of Castro’s memory is collaborated by a declassified CIA Intelligence Assessment[8].

By 1970 anger on both sides of the protest movement was reaching another boiling point. At the end of April, 1970, President Nixon announced another front in the Vietnam War, the Cambodian campaign. On May 4th, 1970, the Ohio National guard opened a volley of 67 rounds on a group of war protestors at the Kent State campus; killing four and permanently paralyzing another. Not all killed were a part of the protests.

The terrible shooting at Kent State shocked the nation but the Vietnam War and the protests continued for another two years. Pressure on Nixon increased to a breaking point; Vietnam had to be resolved. By 1972, it was clear that the U.S. had to get out of Vietnam. Nixon, through Henry Kissinger, initiated secret peace talks. Meanwhile, U.S. soldiers continued to die, sustain injuries, and be drafted while US forces applied heavy bombing pressure on North Vietnam’s major cities of Hanoi and Haiphong. The last man was drafted in December, 1972.

A cease-fire agreement received its final touches and the proper signatures in Paris in 1972; all US troops left Vietnam; and Henry Kissinger took home the Nobel Peace Prize. While the protests lasted only five years, the U.S. that emerged from Vietnam was different. The political path was one of conciliation. Laws were passed eliminating the draft, the FBI was forced to disclose its secret files on individuals, and the CIA was handcuffed. Yet, here we are back in the business of secret files on individuals, the CIA running amuck with its drones, and the government spinning tales rather than telling the truth and being accountable for its actions. Well, as of now the U.S. still has no draft. That indeed is good news. Still, the voices from the past raised in outrage against today’s excesses are mostly missing. They need to be heard again and joined with the voices already singing out. More than once, the people have taken back the Republic that is the United States. Vietnam is simply the most recent event; a reminder that citizens are the responsible body politic, the sovereign.

 


[1] Huff Post; New York State Senate Wants To Make It A Felony To ‘Annoy’ A Police Officer; 06/06/13; http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/06/06/new-york-annoy-police-law_n_3398554.html

[2] Salon; Surveillance State evils; Apr 21, 2012; http://www.salon.com/2012/04/21/e_2/

[3] The Smoking Gun; Feds: Postal Service photographs every piece of mail it processes; June 7, 2013; http://www.thesmokinggun.com/documents/woman-arrested-for-obama-bloomberg-ricin-letters-687435

[4] The Personal Liberty digest; Sam Rolley ; DHS Report Justifies Warrantless, Suspicionless Searches Of Electronics Near Borders; June 7, 2013; http://personalliberty.com/2013/06/07/dhs-report-justifies-warrantless-suspicionless-searches-of-electronics-near-borders/

[5] Cryptologic Quarterly, Winter 2000/Spring 2001 Edition, Vol. 19, No. 4 / Vol. 20, No. 1; Robert J. Hanyok;  Skunks, Bogies, Silent Hounds, and the Flying Fish: The Gulf of Tonkin Mystery, 2-4 August 1964; http://www.nsa.gov/public_info/_files/gulf_of_tonkin/articles/rel1_skunks_bogies.pdf

[7] Information Clearing House; “Beyond Vietnam”; Rev. Martin Luther King; A Time to Break Silence; http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article2564.htm

[8] The President’s Trip to Central America: Security Conditions; Central Intelligence Agency; http://www.foia.cia.gov/sites/default/files/document_conversions/89801/DOC_0000863059.pdf